Spanglish – Languaged Life

Devan, Jessica Jary, Malia Salgado, Mao Mao, Valeria Carreon

In Hispanic neighborhoods, “Spanglish”— a linguistic practice that combines Spanish and English—has gained popularity as a way to communicate, even if some people do not realize that it involves code-switching. While the Chicanx and Latinx community is made up of people from a wide range of backgrounds, most of them are Spanish-English bilingual. In this research project, our group sought to investigate that when they are being interviewed, whether the Spanglish bilingual individuals would tend to code-switch, or rely heavily on one specific language while still understanding the other. We chose this research focus because we believe that studying the connection between the mixing of languages and the topic of conversation, as well as finding how often speakers code-switch, can help other Spanish-English bilingual speakers learn the semantics behind each individual code switch, thus breaking language barriers. We hypothesized that because of the participants’ daily reliance on both English and Spanish, code-switching via Spanglish would be prevalent in the interviews we conducted.

[expander_maker id=”1″ more=”Read more” less=”Read less”]

Methods

In order to test our hypothesis, we decided to interview five to ten individuals who are able to understand English and Spanish and speak both languages to varying degrees of fluency. Our interviews consisted of ten questions, five were asked in English and the other five were asked in Spanish. The participants were interviewed individually in various environments and locations, and through various methods including questionnaires, phone interviews, recorded disputes, and gossip interviews. The age range of our participants is from 18 to 55. All of them come from Mexican households and are either first or second-generation immigrants, but all described themselves as bilinguals and having spent the majority of their lives in the United States. Our younger interviewees have all lived in the United States for their entire lives and have learned Spanish from the older generations, whereas the older interviewees all immigrated to the United States in search of a better future, and they picked up English after their immigration. Nevertheless, our research is able to determine that members of this community code-switch and employ Spanish in their everyday lives, despite the fact that these participants come from very diverse origins. For the interviews that were specifically on ages 18-25, we noticed a more noticeable code-switching when answering the question. For our tables below we witness that younger interviewees felt more comfortable jumping in between languages. They use more words like “pues” “ósea” “si” “no”. Another example we can look at is this dialogue that was said during the interview by a 19-year-old.

Question: “What do you wanna be when you grow up?”

Answer : “ Social media marketing, algo asi”

Question: “What was your favorite childhood meal?”

Answer: “Rice and beans, revueltos?”

Question: “Cual es tu vacación ideal?”

Answer: “ Tropical area in a small town and like an ocean front house, view”

Question: “La mejor fiesta que haz tenido?”

Answer: “When I was eighteen”

Figure 1: Uses of Spanish, English, and Spanglish among interviewees

Whilst interviewing our older interviewees between the ages of 35-55, we noticed that these individuals tended to try to stick to speaking one language whilst answering the questions. 3 out of 4 of the interviewees in this category that we interviewed chose to answer all questions in English even though their native language is Spanish. As a result of Spanish being their dominant language whilst answering the 10 questions, these interviewees struggled quite a bit while trying to come up with English responses. Even though they were struggling, these 3 individuals stuck to answering in English even though they understood they could answer questions in Spanish, which we can see in the example below.

(During the beginning of an interview, she started speaking English and stated “My name is” before proceeding to tell me she would much rather speak en Español/ in Spanish. Additionally, she usually answered the questions I asked in English in the same language) :

First question

Question: What did you want to be when you grew up?

Answer: “Nurse”

Question: “Why did you want to be a nurse?”

Answer: “Because I like it. Take care of the kids.”

Second question

Answer: “Chile rellenos, rice, and beans”

Question: “Why do you like rice and beans? What do you like about them?”

Answer: “Because my mother show me how to make it when I was little kid.”

Third question

Answer: “My plan for tomorrow. Work. I have to work.”

Fourth question

Answer: “Aliens– That’s not real. I don’t believe in that.”

Fifth question

Answer: “Sunday– When i’m not working I go to the church with my sister sometime.”

Question: “Do you like going to church?”

Answer: “Yea”

With this, we concluded, and observed distinct dynamics in the nature of conversation for interviewees, which prompted us to make adjustments throughout the process. Notably, individuals aged 30 and above, primarily parents or older adults, approached the interviews with a more formal tone. They consistently responded in the language the question was initially posed, even if English presented some challenges for them. However, the interactions with friends and close family members, ranging from 18 to 25 years old, established a more relaxed atmosphere. This rise in comfort level led to much more frequent code-switching for the older adults, as they seamlessly shifted between the two languages. Recognizing that a strict question-and-answer format might yield more formal responses, we decided to incorporate recorded conversations on various topics. Subsequently, our findings indicated that the frequency of code-switching was less influenced by the relationship dynamics and more by the nature of the conversation topic. This discovery led us to uncover numerous instances of code-switching in these recorded discussions.

Discussion and Conclusions

Overall, our research successfully validated our hypothesis through multiple avenues of investigation. Notably, we demonstrated that Spanish-English bilingual speakers transition between codes more often than they may think. Moreover, a pattern surfaced during our research: participants tended to match the language used in the responses in formal interviews that were organized around predetermined questions. Nevertheless, in more relaxed conversational contexts, this pattern did not continue. Instead, participants were able to switch between languages with ease in familiar settings, even mixing vocabulary from both linguistic domains. This highlights the profound interacting influence of Hispanic culture and American culture on the Spanglish bilingual speakers, and showcases the intricate dynamics of living with two languages daily. It further underscores the evolution of Spanglish as a unique linguistic bridge, allowing us to forge a connection between both languages. Moreover, it emphasizes the significant presence of the Spanglish-speaking community, providing a touching connection to their ancestral roots while fostering a sense of closeness to the newly found home.

[/expander_maker]

Alayla Navarro, Apoorva Gunti, Jester Mediano, Kaitlin Carlos, Steven Arias

Through social media, the exercise of language has never been more documented. Online communication in the Anthropocene is commonplace in many parts of the world, expanding the prevalence of language mixing, such as Spanglish. This can be brought on by different factors. Our research aims to track how over time, Spanglish became a relatively common way of speaking in social media apps like Instagram. We present data analyzing three different social media accounts on Instagram that employ the use of Spanglish vocabulary, exhibiting a positive correlation of Spanglish use over time. The analysis is done on the Instagram comments under posts targeting the Hispanic community. The comments were randomly chosen and manually examined, where we looked at whether the comment had Spanish/Spanglish and what the comments meant. The increase was documented over the time period of 2018-2024, where Instagram users utilized Spanglish the least in 2018 and the most in 2024. We also expand on this idea and analyze the prevalence of both Spanglish and the use of Spanish in an English-language dominated social media platform, such as Instagram, where the latter saw a larger increase over the time period we documented.

[expander_maker id=”1″ more=”Read more” less=”Read less”]

Introduction and Background

Because of different factors like stigmatization, languages like Spanish have constantly been derided in the United States. Up until recently, the use of Spanish has been a point of contention. Through rising acceptance of Spanish in popular media such as TV shows, movies, and through the popularization of Spanish-speaking artists, Spanish itself has made its way into mainstream acceptance in the United States. This phenomena can also be seen in social media like Instagram where comedic accounts like meme pages whose main language is Spanish is followed by hundreds of thousands of people. Through those social media pages, the use of Spanglish also became increasingly common as the acceptance of Spanish slowly became accepted. By tracking comments and responses from those Spanish meme pages on Instagram ranging from 2018 all the way to 2024, we aim to see how the use of hybrid language increased over time.

Methods

The project design sought to examine the frequency of hybrid language use and code-switching among online bilingual Spanish and English-speaking individuals over time. The expressions to be analyzed were sourced from the comments sections of three Instagram accounts that foreground Latin American culture, have large follower bases, and have posted consistently for the time span this study examines: perolike, so.mexican, and corridoybandas.

From these accounts, three posts from 2018-19, 2021, and 2024 were taken from each. 50 comments were selected as impartially as possible from those 9 posts, and collated into tables that marked expressions as either fully English, or as having some presence of Spanglish or Spanish. After investigating the increasing or decreasing prevalence of Spanglish use with these comments over the span of 6 years, expressions were then translated and interpreted to determine how users authenticate or negate aspects of culture and personal identity.

Results

After compiling Instagram comments and categorizing them, we created tables tracking the change in frequency of the use of Spanish and Spanglish on Instagram comments over the time period of 2018 to 2024, shown in figures one and two. Figure one has data in tally form and figure two has data in percentage form.

Figure 1: Use of Spanish and Spanglish comments on Instagram account by tally (out of 50)

Figure 2: Use of Spanish and Spanglish comments on Instagram account by percentage

We then used this data to create a graph, in which all three Instagram accounts show a positive correlation over time, indicating an increase in the use of Spanglish within the comment sections of these accounts. Figure three shows this graph.

Figure 3: Number of Spanglish comments by year from three different accounts (out of 50)

We also went further and analyzed the prevalence of Spanglish and Spanish. We separated these two categories specifically to understand and categorize hybrid-language use versus the use of a different language in an English-predominant social media platform. A table of data distributing Spanish, Spanglish, and English Comments between the three Instagram accounts, separated by year, is listed below in figure four.

Figure 4: Distribution of Spanish, Spanglish, and English comments within each Instagram account (2018, 2021, and 2024)

We took this data table and transformed the data into a column chart, as listed below in figures five, six, and seven.

Figure 5: Distribution of Spanish, Spanglish, and English comments within each Instagram account (2018)

Figure 6: Distribution of Spanish, Spanglish, and English comments within each Instagram account (2021)

Figure 7: Distribution of Spanish, Spanglish, and English comments within each Instagram account (2024)

Based on these distributions, although the use of both Spanglish and Spanish generally have increased, the use of Spanish has increased at a greater rate than Spanglish. This increase is specifically highlighted with the @corridosybandas Instagram account.

Discussion

According to Crooks (2004), new communication technologies, such as social media platforms like Instagram, have influenced the formation of linguistic and social identities from its users, allowing for shifts and adaptations of the language. To further expand on past literature findings, we identify Spanglish as an indexical tool used to assert a sense of belonging with a twist. Our findings indicate that within the Spanish-speaking culture, Spanglish users exploit Spanish’s emergent language development and constant linguistic varieties it possesses at the user’s convenience, with intention (Wentker and Schneider, 2022). This is seen during 2018-2019 in comments of the account @so.mexican where the use of Spanglish was low and was predominantly English. This is similar to the finding by Maliani (2021), where 43% of Indonesian bilingual speakers inserted English words in their tweets. Although this article explored the different forms of code mixing, our research took this trend to the next level by looking into the context of which these words were used. Our research identified a trend where users consistently chose Spanish word insertions that referred to cultural traditions or types of relations used by that community. For example, the use of “la dieta”, “otro taco” (“the diet” “another taco”) from the commenter indicated that users have experienced this cultural concept of risking your diet for tacos, a deeply desired food by people within this community. This asserts belonging within the community by relating to an experience shared by other members.

Another form of word insertion commonly found was the use of relational words translated into Spanish, such as “Tio,” “Tia,” and “Mami”, respectively translating to “uncle”and “aunt”, and the slang word for “beautiful girl”. We can conclude, with these insertions, that this Spanglish use was intentional, with the goal of connecting to the community and identifying as a member themselves.

A second finding expanding beyond current literature is the user’s demonstration of their own Spanglish ideologies and how they express these expectations when someone does not follow them. From past literature, we have understood the following: code-switching is intentional and asserts sense of belonging, social media allows for adaptation and variation of language, code-switching differs from face-to-face and online uses, and non-native English speakers have increasingly opted to use their native language within online platforms (Crooks, 2004; Dailey-O’Cain, 2017; Maliani, 2021; Wentker and Schneider, 2022). In 2021, users critiqued a post on their use of Spanglish, which stated “When todos andan muriendo de frio but tienes tu cobija de tigre” (translating to: “when everyone is dying from the cold but you have your tiger blanket”). The commenters corrected the post by sharing what Spanglish is and described their “improper use” of it as “forced” and “dumb.” This demonstrates how in addition to social media allowing for Spanglish users of varying levels to be confident in using Spanglish more frequently, those who consider themselves experts in this language can inform and correct other users through social media platforms as well. This adds to past literature because it opens up a new door for a different view on Spanglish. With this finding, we can have a small piece to the bigger picture of Spanglish use. We can now look further and ask ourselves, what is Spanglish from the perspective of fluent Spanglish users, what ideologies and expectations do they have in terms of Spanglish linguistics and how might this perspective change depending on the region in which this speaker resides?

Conclusion

In conclusion, the normalization and usage of Spanglish, a hybrid language that incorporates elements from both English and Spanish, has increased and become relevant in digital spaces like social media. Despite Spanglish’s contested history, it serves as a means of cultural affiliation and experience for many in the Mexican and Latin American communities. Although the research contains limitations, such as not knowing the location of users, the results are indicative that an increase in usage and frequency has occurred.

References

Cook, S. E. (2004). New Technologies and Language Change: Toward an Anthropology of Linguistic Frontiers. Annual Review of Anthropology, 33, 103-115. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25064847

Dailey-O’Cain, Jennifer. “Language Ideologies, Multilingualism, and Social Media.” Trans-National English in Social Media Communities, edited by Jennifer Dailey-O’Cain, Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017, pp. 23–60. Springer Link, https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50615-3_2.

Maliani, P. (2021, August). Code mixing as language style in communication through Social Mediatwitter.Researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357686277_CODE_MIXING_AS_LANGUAG E_STYLE_IN_COMMUNICATION_THROUGH_SOCIAL_MEDIA_TWITTER

Piasente, J. (2013). Looking for identity in a multicultural world: The Case of Spanglish in the United States.

Wentker, M., & Schneider, C. (2022). And she be like ‘tenemos frijoles en la casa’: Code-switching and identity construction on YouTube. Languages, 7(3), 219. https://doi.org/10.3390/ languages7030219

[/expander_maker]

Tag: Spanglish

Spanglish – The Art of Code-Switching