Celebrities and Controversies: What Works and What Doesn’t in Apology Videos

In today’s high society of “cancel culture,” apologizing has become a language that has diversified. This study dives deep into the world of online apologies, exploring how the majority of our influential figures today, celebrities, use language in public apology videos to mend what’s been broken and rebuild trust with their audience. The emotions, words, and actions can all seem like an act crafted for the cameras. Through the analysis of 15 apology videos, we navigate the comments and perceptions made in the landscape of the online audience to decide whether a public apology is genuine or insincere. Using digital ethnography and discourse analysis to give us insight into solving this issue, we translate the visual and verbal cues that aren’t in the spotlight – the tone, the gestures, and the choice of words, which shape the perceptions of authenticity. But it’s not just about dissecting these apologies. We also evoke what characteristics make for a genuine apology– the unscripted words, raw emotions, and simple background. By differentiating successful apologies from those that were unsuccessful, we reveal candor in the meaning of language that is displayed in front of a public audience. Beyond what the surface entails, we explore the morality behind celebrity apologies. They can be a mirror reflecting societal values, fluctuations in power, and the road to redemption. This research is not for mere insight, but also offers a deeper understanding of what it truly is like behind the screens in this digital age. There is much power in how we express ourselves; dictating how we shape relationships, rebuild trust, and craft a shared narrative.

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Introduction

Growing up, we are taught from a very young age that an apology consists of the words, “I’m sorry.” Is that all it takes as we grow up? In society today, apologies have become very normalized and with the rise of social media in place, it appears highly important to delve into the study of online public apologies by influential people, focusing on the linguistic features chosen to elicit successful apologies throughout crisis communication (Loisa, 2021). As social influencers carry much power, it is important to hold them accountable for their wrongdoings and not allow them to manipulate the public into thinking that something is okay when it is not. Through analysis, we found that sincerity and genuineness are key to carrying out a successful apology video. By having a good understanding of linguistics and the different meanings certain words and phrases obtain, we analyzed the linguistic repair strategies influencers use when creating online apology videos, validating a successful apology or a manipulative one. Through our analysis, our main concern focused on the language strategies used by content creators and celebrities in apology videos to convey sincerity and repair their image. On the contrary, we also focused on why some apology videos completely flop and are seen as manipulated tactics to convey an insincere apology.

Methods

To better understand apology videos, we decided to watch some of them. We selected 15 apology videos from a selection of prominent celebrities and content creators with over 1 million subscribers on YouTube at the time of their controversy (some lost subscribers due to their controversies and are now below 1 million subscribers as a result). We chose creator apologies resulting from major controversies that had an impact on both fans and people outside of their fan community. Critical to our study was selecting videos with varied audience responses, including, positive, negative, and mixed responses in order to gauge which strategies led to successful apologies and which ones didn’t.

Figure 1: Logan Paul’s widely-viewed and controversial apology for filming a dead body, complete with a YouTube interface, including views, likes (👍), and comments.

We fully submerged ourselves in the virtual worlds where these apologies occurred in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the surrounding context. Our digital ethnography involved analyzing the situations that necessitated an apology and the characteristics of the individuals giving the apology. We performed discourse analysis on spoken and unspoken communication in the films, assessing elements such as intonation, physical gestures, and vocabulary selection. To comprehend audience responses, we meticulously observed the comments that garnered the highest number of likes as an indicator of public sentiment, noting which strategies succeeded or fell flat. The inquiry did not focus on the more technical parts of discourse analysis, such as specific language frameworks and computer methods, which have been covered well in previous studies (Sandlin and Gracyalny, 2018). Our analysis, however, concentrated on overarching themes and tactics deemed significant in determining perceptions of sincerity and the effectiveness of apologies.

Results

Our research yielded a variety of results on the nature of apology videos and the success or lack thereof of various apology strategies. We noted the development of a unique speech register in apology videos, something that has been expounded upon previously (Choi, 2021). Similar filming choices emerge, including directly facing the camera from the shoulders or neck up, maintaining a plain personal appearance, and setting the video in a lightly colored, simple, domestic room. Despite an uncomplicated backdrop and a lack of extravagant accessories being intended to index sincerity, we found that these decisions had no real effect on the apology’s perception.

We found three major strategies: apologizing, refuting the need to apologize and defending oneself, and apologizing while defending and minimizing one’s actions. Genuine apologies with the use of the word “Sorry” and assumption of responsibility or well-evidenced, thorough rebuttals of accusations were well-received, but poorly-evidenced or incomplete rebuttals were criticized. Fans want natural speech with an unscripted tone, criticizing apologies they perceive as stilted or relying on a script, but still want meticulous, well-thought-out responses, while also wanting concise apologies that allow anyone to grasp the core message without delving extensively into the subject matter, a high and somewhat contradictory standard. Musical apologies like Colleen Ballinger’s ukulele song apology or Sienna Mae’s interpretive dance apology were seen as bizarre and inappropriate, especially in response to accusations of grooming minors and sexual assault respectively. Sympathy-baiting distractions, like TmarTn doing baby-talk to his dog in his apology, were also heavily criticized.

Figure 2: Successful and unsuccessful characteristics of apology videos.

Gaming and commentary YouTuber PewDiePie’s apology gives us an example of some strategies being successfully employed. In his succinctly titled “My Response”, PewDiePie was praised for directly apologizing and not excusing his behavior. His acknowledgment of his status as a role model and influential figure and his need to be better, particularly due to his other recent controversies, were appreciated by fans.

Figure 3: PewDiePie’s apology, which was praised for its simplicity and direct admittance of his mistake and apology.

PewDiePie’s apology was favorably compared to later apology videos, particularly for its lack of forced emotion or other forms of sympathy-baiting. Fans derived sincerity from a lack of attempted markers of sincerity, feeling like they were not being tricked but allowed to judge only the content of the apology.

 

 

 

Figure 4: Responses to PewDiePie’s apology video. He was praised for directly and succinctly owning up to his mistake and his lack of excuses.

In contrast, hip-hop artist Travis Scott’s apology video gives us an example of how an apology video and its strategies can backfire. Scott was mocked for his “over-dramatic” black-and-white filter, along with the frequency with which he rubbed his face. While his frequent blinking and facial rubbing could indicate crying and remorse, viewers noted his lack of tears or an actual “I’m sorry”. It is advisable to maintain an emotional equilibrium, effectively conveying genuine emotion appropriate for the video without being excessive or appearing to force it for sympathy.

 

Figure 5: A screenshot from Travis Scott’s widely lambasted apology video as posted on Instagram, including the infamous black-and-white filter and forehead rubbing.

His lack of concern and failure to stop his concert while his fans were being crushed to death in the crowd contrasted with this sudden change of heart two days later seemed dishonest. Scott’s apology was widely labeled as disingenuous, something advised by lawyers or publicists to shore up his image while refusing to actually accept responsibility for legal reasons.


Figure 6: Responses to Travis Scott’s apology video. His frequent head rubbing and emotionality were widely seen as markers of insincerity, and his stilted delivery and lack of an actual acknowledgment of responsibility were considered to reveal the video’s motivations as insincere.

When actions that typically index sincerity seem forced or incongruent with the context of the apology, it becomes a target for accusations of insincerity and dishonesty, which can be crippling to any apology (Hope, 2019). It is not enough to perform actions and apology video tropes that might be perceived to index sincerity (e.g. a plain appearance, emotionality); the content and tone of the apology and their appropriateness in relation to the inciting event are more important. While some strategies are more successful than others, how they are used is most important.

Discussion and Conclusions

Studying celebrity public apologies is essential for understanding how individuals in the public eye navigate accountability and redemption. These apologies offer valuable insights into the complex strategies of communication and public relations. We can gain a better understanding of celebrities’ relationships with their fans and what each party feels they owe each other through apologies and celebrities’ motivations for apologizing (Matheson, 2023). Language, tone, and framing play pivotal roles in shaping public perception and reception of these apologies. Celebrities employ linguistic devices to manage their image and reputation, illustrating the significant impact of language on social influence. Moreover, celebrity apologies serve as cultural artifacts, reflecting broader societal values and norms. Analyzing these apologies unveils the nuanced dynamics between language, culture, and public opinion. They provide a lens through which we can explore themes such as ethics, power dynamics, and identity. Furthermore, studying celebrity apologies offers insights into psychological processes like guilt, remorse, and forgiveness. Language becomes a medium through which individuals convey sincerity, empathy, or deflect responsibility. By dissecting these linguistic choices, we gain a deeper understanding of human behavior and interpersonal dynamics. In essence, celebrity apologies serve as rich sources for examining the intersection of language, culture, psychology, and social influence. They highlight the intricate ways in which language shapes and reflects our understanding of accountability, redemption, and societal values.

Related resources:

References

Battistella, Edwin L. Sorry about That: The Language of Public Apology / Edwin L. Battistella. Oxford University Press, 2014.

Choi, G. Y., & Mitchell, A. M. (2022). So sorry, now please watch: Identifying image repair strategies, sincerity and forgiveness in Youtubers’ apology videos. Public Relations Review, 48(4), 102226. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2022.102226

Croley, MacKenzie. “A Linguistic View of a Twitter Apology.” Journal of Student Research (Houston, Tex.), vol. 10, no. 2, 2021, https://doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v10i2.1230.

Hope, Jessamyn. “Seven Steps to a Successful Apology.” The Hopkins Review, vol. 12, no. 1, 2019, pp. 60–80, https://doi.org/10.1353/thr.2019.0007.

Loisa, J. (2021).” I’m just letting everyone know that I’m an idiot”: Apology Strategies in YouTubers’ Apology Videos (Master’s thesis, Itä-Suomen yliopisto).

Matheson, Benjamin. “Fame and Redemption: On the Moral Dangers of Celebrity Apologies.” Journal of Social Philosophy, 2023, https://doi.org/10.1111/josp.12510.

Sandlin, J. K., & Gracyalny, M. L. (2018). Seeking sincerity, finding forgiveness: YouTube apologies as Image Repair. Public Relations Review, 44(3), 393–406. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2018.04.007

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Words Matter: How Language Shapes Career Aspirations

Corona Smith, Fehma Zahid, Tadeh Amirkhanian, and Taleen Amirkhanian 

In today’s rapidly changing society, the language we choose to use not only reflects our future aspirations but also has the ability to guide and change them. This study delves into the nuanced interplay between language and gender. Also, it examines how linguistic differences in word choice, tone, and body language shape career aspirations among a wide range of UCLA undergraduate students with diverse backgrounds. Key takeaways from the study indicate that men are indeed more likely to use, ‘stronger,’ language when discussing their futures as compared to their female counterparts. In doing so, the study aims to understand these linguistic patterns to promote an inclusive environment that empowers individuals in pursuing their aspirations – with confidence and determination – regardless of their gender.

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Introduction and Background

Boss or bossy? Assertive or aggressive? These seemingly innocent adjectives are often thrown around the workplace to describe one’s peers and colleagues. However, within the realm of communication, the choice of words carries immense weight, reflecting and perpetuating societal norms and expectations. The dichotomy between being perceived as assertive versus aggressive, or bosslike versus bossy, highlights the distinct linguistic double standards that often characterize interactions between genders.

Catherine Neiner’s “Bossy, Bitchy, Brazen” is a great Ted Talk in which she discusses the way that women are perceived in work environments.

Thus, for our research project, we wanted to delve a little deeper into how men and women think about their careers. Our official research question was: Do college-aged women and men use different word choices and tones when speaking about their future career paths? In order to understand this question, let’s explore some past literature.

In previous studies of speech patterns among men and women, researchers found some evidence that women more often made use of cooperative feedback, supportive interruption, questions, accommodating behaviors, compliments, and hedging (Plug et al. 2021). They also found that, when gender identity was made salient to women in the experiment, these women used more tentative language (Plug et al. 2021).

Not only that, but further research also suggests that gender-based differences in language patterns are very common in the workplace. Kristen M. Getchell and Lauren Skinner Beitelspacher conducted research on language that was used to describe male and female CMOs through a Forbes article published in 2020.

Updated annually, this Forbes article provided Getchell & Beitelspacher with their research findings. Click here for the full article from 2023!

They found that female leaders are often described in highly gendered ways that play up their nurturing or communal skills and downplay their agentic or leadership skills (Getchell & Beitelspacher 2020). Women were more commonly described as, “emotional,” “humanizing,” and “compassionate,” while men were more often described with words like, “powerful,” “confident,” and, “bold” (Getchell & Beitelspacher 2020). Because women are spoken about so differently from men in professional settings, we hypothesized that bringing up their careers would make this gendered difference more salient to female participants, which might cause them to speak about their future in a more traditionally “female” way. We hypothesized that these differences would emerge in our research as women use more fillers, hand gestures, and adjectives emphasizing interpersonal skills as compared to their male counterparts.

Methods

In order to investigate this hypothesis, we conducted semi-structured interviews with sixteen college students at UCLA (eight male and eight female). Our participants were selected using convenience sampling. It is important to note that this sampling method could make our results less generalizable. However, since each group member found participants from their own community at UCLA, we feel that we were still able to get a relatively diverse sample, ranging across many different majors and social backgrounds. Since these interviews were semi-structured, we went in with a set of questions but also allowed participants to talk about what they found interesting or important to them. Our questions related to what our interviewees hope to do after college, how confident they are in that path, why they’ve chosen that route, and more (see appendix for a full list of questions). We recorded the interviews so that we could truly analyze the body language and tone after all of the data was collected.

In order to analyze the interview data, we created a spreadsheet that listed different patterns and elements of speech that we expected to see, such as filler words or hedging. We then counted up each time we saw or heard one of these things in order to see if men or women would differ. We also paid special attention to which verbs and adjectives we heard the most from each group. We then looked at all of this data together and came up with our results.

Results and Discussion

Based on our preliminary research, we hypothesized that college-aged women would speak with less certainty and use fewer words that emphasize power and more words that relate to compassion and emotion. And our findings showed just that. Our research showed that males were almost twice as likely to use ‘assertive’ verbs when speaking about their futures, with almost 66% making statements like: “I will be a doctor in five years”, as compared to only 34% of our female participants. Female participants generally used more modal verbs with approximately 66% of sentences using verbs like might, should, and could (i.e. “I might try to become a lawyer once I graduate”).

Here we can see the breakdown of strong and weak verbs used by our male and female interviewees.

Our research also took note of participants’ body language as they were being interviewed. Most notably, female participants were on average almost 2x more likely to use filler words (i.e. um, like, uh) when speaking about their futures, with approximately 70 instances recorded across eight participants (as compared to 37 in males). Our researchers also qualitatively noted that their female participants used more hand gestures, facial expressions, and movements when speaking and that male participants made more continuous eye contact across interviews.

Further, our analysis extended beyond verb usage to explore the skills participants took pride in, revealing further disparities based on gender. While male participants often listed tangible, technical workplace skills such as proficiency in Python and Microsoft, females were more inclined to highlight intrapersonal competencies like creativity, organization, and communication.

Among other things, these findings suggest that gendered socialization processes may influence individuals’ perceptions of their strengths, with males more likely to prioritize technical skills and females valuing interpersonal abilities. These findings offer valuable insights into the underlying societal expectations that shape individuals’ career aspirations. The use of assertive language among males and tentative language among females highlights the existence of linguistic double standards, which may contribute to disparities in career advancement and achievement.

These findings offer valuable insights into the complex interplay between language, gender, and societal expectations, illuminating the subtle ways in which linguistic cues perpetuate gender disparities in career advancement and achievement. By addressing these biases at an early stage, we can foster an inclusive environment that empowers individuals to pursue their aspirations with confidence and determination, regardless of gender.

References

Getchell, K. M., & Beitelspacher, L. S. (2020). Better marketing for female marketers: Gendered language in the Forbes CMO list. Business horizons, 63(5), 607–617.

Plug, I., Radboud University, NL, Stommel, W., Radboud University, NL, Lucassen, P. L. B. J., Radboud Univ. Medical Centre, NL, olde Hartman, T. C., et al. (2021). Do women and men use language differently in spoken face-to-face interaction? A scoping review. Review of Communication Research, 9, 43–79.

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Do actions really speak louder than words? Exploring Nonverbal Communication at UCLA Through a Lens of Internationality, Identity Formation, and Socialization

Fanny Berger, Alyssa Cole, Helena Hu, Hunter Sarmiento, Makayla Smith

This article focuses on channels of nonverbal communication across different cultures; primarily, the study conducted aims to better understand differences in including, but not limited to, gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture across different cultures. A secondary focus was also shifted to understanding how people of different cultures interpret and perceive each other’s body language in a conversational context, and to the extent to which they feel comfortable understanding others’ nonverbal communication styles. The study was conducted in two rounds: preliminary data collection was performed across UCLA students of different cultural backgrounds, with a deeper dive into select respondents from different cultural backgrounds through extensive interviewing. Respondent data reflected that most nonverbal communication is influenced by cultural upbringing and interpreting body language from someone of a different culture proves to be a challenge for most, demonstrating the impact of culture, identity, and community on how one interacts with the world.

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Introduction and Background

In America’s melting pot, communication transcends cultures as people of different cultural backgrounds are in constant contact with one another, whether that be through school, work, or day-to-day living. However, beneath the surface of words lies a complex web of nonverbal cues that often serve as the silent language of our interactions. These cues, ranging from facial expressions and gestures to physical positioning and body language, play a crucial role in conveying meaning and go hand-in-hand with verbal communication in socialization and acts of interaction (Phutela, 2015). Within this realm of nonverbal communication, culture plays an essential part. According to what a culture determines, there can be several meanings attached to one form of nonverbal communication, thus making cross-cultural communication all the more necessary to understand (Jabber & Mahmood, 2020).

Today, nonverbal communication is more important than ever—advanced video technology has enabled computer-mediated communication to expand the benefits of face-to-face communication, now making non-verbal communication available in multiple formats. Here at UCLA, over 106 countries are represented within the 2023-24 school year student body, meaning that people from all over the world can connect face-to-face in both academic and non-academic settings. We became interested in understanding the meaning of nonverbal communication across different cultures, specifically how these gestures and behaviors relate to having a sense of social belonging in a culturally diverse community like UCLA.

Methods

We employed a two-step process to conduct our research and answer our primary research question: How does nonverbal communication across cultural groups contribute to one’s identity and ability to participate in various social settings, such as forming friendships and interacting with peers and professors?

The first phase involved a preliminary Google Form meant to collect data on undergraduate students at UCLA and their understanding of the relationship between body language and their culture, as well as their perception of body language within other cultures. The survey was spread through social media and word of mouth, with additional outreach to cultural clubs on campus to recruit respondents. Via the survey, we were able to collect demographic information such as one’s year at UCLA, gender identity, and cultural identity. Respondents were then asked to rate themselves on a scale regarding how comfortable they felt in nonverbally communicating or interacting with other students and faculty on campus. Similarly, they were asked to detail any instances in which nonverbal communication was misinterpreted as a result of their sociocultural differences. The collected data was then transformed into visual illustrations, such as graphs and spreadsheets, which provide indications for how people of different cultural backgrounds both understand and participate in nonverbal communication.

In the second phase, we reached out to individuals who had engaged with our survey and collected a total of five interviews from individuals from China, South Korea, Hungary, Spain, and Taiwan. Through our interviews, we were able to gain a deeper understanding of nonverbal communication and its impacts concerning cultural identity and one’s lived experience on campus. Additionally, we learned about personal experiences in which miscommunication or misinterpretations have occurred after using nonverbal communication with someone from a culture different than their own. Our respondents were able to elaborate in more detail than on their prior responses on the Google Form and explain their understanding of nonverbal communication across sociocultural contexts and interactions on campus and beyond.

Results and Analysis

Our research project on nonverbal communication between various cultural groups provides some important insights into how cultural background affects the interpretation of nonverbal cues in a variety of social contexts. The project’s survey and interview data revealed that a substantial majority of participants (76.2%) agreed that their cultural backgrounds—which included people from Chinese, South Korean, British, Taiwanese, Spanish, Hungarian, and Indian backgrounds—have an impact on their nonverbal communication, which includes gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touch, space, and posture (Figure 1). The study also found that the three most common nonverbal communication techniques used by people with these cultural identities are facial expressions, gestures, and eye contact (Figure 2). However, 47% of the respondents reported that they felt uneasy interpreting nonverbal cues from other cultures (Figure 4), and another 24% said that they had experienced a misunderstanding of nonverbal cues from someone of a different cultural background (Figure 5). These results demonstrate the nuanced function that nonverbal cues play in cross-cultural relationships, showing that these cues can both help and hinder connection between people of different cultural backgrounds in their attempts to understand each other.

Furthermore, our results yielded information regarding socialization and identity formation on campus. Through our survey and interviews, we were able to understand that students form in and out-groups according to feelings of acceptance or isolation associated with their nonverbal communication style. The students we interviewed explained that perceived cultural influences in their nonverbal communication caused them to feel a sense of social “othering” by American students who positioned themselves above these varying cultural identities due to their variation from the American, hegemonic standard at UCLA. With this, students embodied feelings of anxiety and disconnection that enabled them to develop in-groups with other international students, while feeling like a collective out-group from American students and faculty. Similarly, our research further supports the elimination of universal forms of nonverbal communication as both the expression and interpretation of nonverbal communication differ widely according to culture. This is additionally evidenced by students’ use of code-switching in nonverbal communication on campus. Many students expressed that they picked up on more Americanized forms of nonverbal communication, such as being more forward with their gestures and body language, and adapted their own forms of nonverbal communication to conform with this standard. For example, in our interview with a South Korean student, she expressed that she has a nonverbal linguistic repertoire of both South Korean and American influence and can “tap into” each form of nonverbal communication depending on who she is talking to. Through our research, we were able to gather data on the importance of nonverbal communication in identity expression, social and scholastic inclusion, and sociocultural power dynamics.

Figure 1: Cultural Influence on Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Definitely.
Figure 2: Most Common Forms of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the forms of nonverbal communication. The X-axis represents the number of responses.
Figure 3: Cultural Importance of Nonverbal Communication. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.
Figure 4: Comfortability in Interpreting Nonverbal Communication from Different Cultural Backgrounds. The Y-axis represents the number of responses. The X-axis represents the scale of agreement with the prompt: 1=Not at all, 2=Very little, 3=Somewhat, 4=A good amount, 5=Extremely.
Figure 5: Cultural Influence on Misunderstandings in Nonverbal Communication.

Discussion and Conclusion

Our results illuminate that a multitude of misunderstandings within nonverbal communication arise from a difference in sociocultural upbringing. Although our results were specific to UCLA students, our research on nonverbal communication and its cultural ties serves as a model for further understanding and analyzing the implications of nonverbal communication on socialization and identity formation. College campuses are known to be extremely diverse communities, bringing in students from all around the world, thus replicating a larger world context through a social and scholastic lens. In this context, we were able to understand that cultural background largely influences how people both express and interpret nonverbal communication. Misinterpretations, as well as feelings of social isolation, were directly tied to cultural differences in nonverbal communication, with students expressing their need to code-switch and conform to American standards of nonverbal communication to feel fully comfortable interacting on campus. It is these nonverbal misunderstandings that play into the larger phenomenon of miscommunication due to cultural differences, thus pointing to the need to study this subject further.

The main point of our study was to provide awareness of a struggle that many students experience at UCLA, but, similarly, what many people face on a day-to-day basis around the world. We want to provide empathy regarding differences in communication and how cultural influence should be recognized and accepted instead of stigmatized. It is essential to understand how cultural identities influence nonverbal communication to not only ensure ease in interaction and information sharing, but to also ensure that all individuals, no matter their cultural background, feel included and understood. We hope our project further sparks discussions about nonverbal communication and its sociocultural influences in order to increase cross-cultural competence, enhance empathy, and educate others on the importance of communication.

References

Akkilinc, F. (2019, August). The Body Language of Culture. International Journal for Innovation Education and Research, 7(8), 32-39. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/335689301_The_Body_Language_of_Culture

Jabber, K. W., & Mahmood, A. A. (2020). Non-verbal communication between two non-native English speakers: Iraqi and Chinese. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 10(2), 189-196.

Kirch, M. S. (1979). Non-Verbal Communication across Cultures. The Modern Language Journal, 63(8), 416-423. https://www.jstor.org/stable/326027

Phutela, D. (2015). The importance of non-verbal communication. IUP Journal of Soft Skills, 9(4), 43.

Ren, Z. (2014). Body Language in Different Cultures. US-China Foreign Language, 12(12). https://doi.org/10.17265/1539-8080/2014.12.008

Rugsaken, K. (2006). Body Speaks: Body Language Around the World. NACADA. https://nacada.ksu.edu/Resources/Clearinghouse/View-Articles/Body-Language-Around-the-World.aspx  

Thompson, J. (2023, May 15). How Much of Communication is Nonverbal?. The University of Texas Permian Basin. https://online.utpb.edu/about-us/articles/communication/how-much-of-communication-is-nonverbal/ 

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Manspreading: Myth, Message, or Management?

Cecilia Schmitz, Tommy Silva, Sinahi Torres, Ye Won Yoon 

Communication takes a variety of forms including communication through the use of body language, but oftentimes different genders have shown differences in the way they use it to portray themselves. Previous research has indicated that men will participate in “manspreading” which consists of spreading out typically in public spaces, while women accommodate others. Other research shows that people tend to spread out when they feel a sense of dominance. In order to fill any possible knowledge gap, we formed a study to discover how relevant this research is to UCLA undergraduates. Our study was based on the research question: Do men and women use spatial movement and orientation differently, and does this reflect their respective gender identity? We hypothesized that men do take up more space than women and that women’s contracted body language would only be around men. This left room for interesting questions: do men always take up more space? Do the way women use body language get influenced by the gender they are around? As you continue to read our study, you will uncover whether this is relevant or if we notice other trends amongst the students.

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Introduction and Background

Body language can often better indicate a person’s expression than words and their face (Aviezer, et al., 2012). Many observations have shown body language differences between genders: men use it to assert dominance, whereas women accommodate others (Jane, 2017,). Using this, we saw how relevant it is to students at UCLA and compared whether this form of dominance is seen mainly amongst men, women, or both. Discourse is increasing aboutman-spreading: men seated and spreading their legs into others’ space (Vrugt, & Luyerink, 2000). We furthered this research focusing on the way that our target population takes up space and presents themselves through their body in their everyday life to see the difference and create a reflection of the current gender indexicality. We wanted to see if spatial orientation and body language are used to reinforce gender roles with a question: Do men and women use spatial movement and orientation differently, and does this reflect their respective gender identity? Based on current research, as well as our own observations on our fellow undergraduate UCLA population, we hypothesized that men will take up more space than women; however, we also predicted that women will occupy more space when they are only surrounded by women.  

Methods

For the observational research method, we observed three different sample groups: only males, only females, and both together, in order to answer the question of if men and women use spatial movement and orientation differently. We observed and took photographs and timelapses to see if the subjects expanded or contracted their legs, turned their feet in or out, and folded or splayed their arms when sitting. We were interested in seeing how participants used their legs, arms, and feet to expand their body frame and occupy more space, used their extremities to contract and occupy less space, or simply rested to occupy their natural body frame position. To document this, we kept a chart of body positions after each observation. Here is a detailed explanation of how we specifically observed the male-only group:

We observed a group of 15 self-identifying males in a locker room: each male was seated and was spaced out so they were at least 1.5 feet from the person next to them, meaning they each had plenty of space to expand their body position however they wanted without coming into contact with the person next to them. Every single male sat in a position that occupied space beyond their body frame. Legs were the way that most men expanded their bodies, and for every man whose feet were placed on the floor, their feet were turned outwards. While leg and foot positions were used to expand body size 100% of the time, arm position changed very frequently. Overall, at least half of the males spent a significant amount of time with their arms within their body frame. We additionally observed a group of four females watching a movie on a bed in a dorm room: they were in closer proximity, trying to fit onto one bed. Each female had their legs contracted into each other, not expanding outwards. Three of the four females had their feet turned in and their arms folded; the fourth female had their feet under a blanket and thus not visible and their arms were splayed.

To see how our subjects’ observations reflected their respective gender identities and the body language that goes along with them by repeating this process with each observation group, we also conducted interviews in which we asked our subjects whether their friends when in a crowded space, assert their personal space or accommodate others. To analyze our data, we compared already existing research to our own observations, in order to figure out which, if any, of the theories are relevant to our findings. We then compared our answers with the observations collected on how body language is associated with gender and what the body language itself is associated with. 

Image 1: Photograph of female-only group’s body language (4th member joined later)
Figure 1: Example of chart to keep track of seated leg positioning

Results and Analysis (Observation Results and Interview Results)

Observation Results

Our results found that males generally took up more space; females in general tended to contract as seen by the graphs documenting each genders’ distribution in the form of body language: all 20 men expanded their legs and all 10 women contracted.

Figure 2: Leg position observations graph (x-axis: contracted vs expanded y-axis: amount of people of either male or female)

Our data was consistent with our hypothesis that men take up more space than women, but we incorrectly predicted that women’s contracted body language would only be around men; instead, they were contracted all of the time. For example, while observing a club meeting on campus, we observed that all three men took up space with their legs, had their feet turned in, and three out of the three had their arms around another chair. On the other hand, the three women that were observed kept their legs close to their bodies, they had their feet faced forward, and two out of the three kept their arms on their bodies. Additionally, the all-female group without the presence of men was mostly contracted, with their legs, feet, and arms withdrawn into themselves.

Interview Results

Our interview of UCLA undergrads largely indicated a perception that men take up more space with their body language than women. We did not want to limit their answers to yes or no and gave options on their body position they noticed they were in most of the time. All but 1 found that men expanded their body shape in asserting their personal space, while all but 2 expressed that female companions would accommodate their space for others. Another question that we focused on in the interview was one that asked respondents if they notice a particular way of how authoritative figures in their life take up space.

Figure 3: Female and male responses to, “In what situations do you notice yourself taking up space or accommodating others by taking less space?”

In this particular question, the responses varied in their positioning because they had to incorporate the many situations they were in. We hypothesized that there would be a mix of responses due to this. We also took into account that it could be a sensitive, abrupt question to ask the respondents and left it optional for them to answer.

Figure 4: Female and male responses to, “Do you notice a particular way of taking up space within authoritative figures in your life?”

Out of 8 responses that we received, 6 females said that they did notice this pattern while 2 males said that they have noticed this trend. Although we can’t necessarily conclude a correlation between dominance and the way that people take up space, we do see a theme within our research and the participants in it.

Figure 5: Female and male responses to, “Do your male friends either assert space or accommodate others?” (x-axis: whether they assert space or accommodate others, y-axis: amount of respondents)

In the graph shown below, we are able to indicate that 7 out of 8 male participants believe that their male friends assert their space. Looking at the female participant’s response, it shows an unwavering belief that their male friends assert their space.

Figure 6: Female and male responses to, “Do your female friends either assert space or accommodate others?” (x-axis: whether they assert space or accommodate others, y-axis: amount of respondents)

We also asked the question to focus on the female body positioning, the results are shown in the figure below. 2 out of 8 male participants felt their female friends asserted space, while 6 of them noticed them accommodating space. All of the female respondents listed that they notice their female friends in accommodating space for others.

Discussion and Conclusions:

Overall, this study was designed to acknowledge the way that we and others take up space which can help us be more considerate of how it comes off to others as well as utilize it to indicate different parts of our identity, whether it be masculinity, femininity, or authority. It is also important to take into consideration that there may be limitations to this study because it was performed in the time span of only ten weeks and was focused on a population limited to UCLA undergraduates. For example, in regards to the male-only data set, there are some unique features of this data set that could impact their body position. All of these males are soccer players. They were in their locker room and surrounded by their teammates; thus, they were in a room where they have spent a lot of time in and were surrounded by people who they are comfortable with, all of which could have a big impact on the way they chose to situate their body position. Nonetheless, these findings do suggest that men are typically more inclined to assert their space in social spaces while women will tend to contract when around any gender. Using the theoretical frameworks that we learned in class, we can also postulate that men consciously or subconsciously occupy more space, especially with their legs, to indicate their masculinity; women may contract their limbs to indicate femininity. However, based on our interview questions, our findings also suggest that people view power and position of authority as a factor linked to how much space people assert. In the future, it would be interesting to study how body language and gender identity are linked with authority; how do men and women use body language differently when they want to convey power?

Ethics Declaration

All participants gave their verbal consent to be studied for body language, and all participants voluntarily completed the Google Forms survey.

References

Ashkinazi, E. The “Fashion” of Manspreading and Socioeconomic Status: A Marxist and Feminist Analysis. https://delizian.net/pdfs/other/marxist-feminist-manspreading.pdf

​​Aviezer, H., Trope, Y., & Todorov, A. (2012). Body Cues, Not Facial Expressions, Discriminate Between Intense Positive and Negative Emotions. Science, 338(6111), 1225–1229. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1224313

Jane, E. A. (2017). ‘Dude… stop the spread’: antagonism, agonism, and# manspreading on social media. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 20(5), 459-475. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1367877916637151

Vrugt, & Luyerink, M. (2000). THE CONTRIBUTION OF BODILY POSTURE TO GENDER STEREOTYPICAL IMPRESSIONS. Social Behavior and Personality, 28(1), 91–103. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2000.28.1.91

Wade, Lisa (2013). Gender and the body language of power—Sociological images. Retrieved February 3, 2023, from https://thesocietypages.org/socimages/2013/12/27/gendered-and-the-body-language-of-power

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A Talk About “The Talk”

Tess Ebrami-Homayun, Saba Kalepari, Hannah Pezeschki, Shaina Tavari

One in five parents reports that they will never have a conversation regarding sex education with their children. The avoidance and uncomfortable nature of this conversation led us to explore the differences in communicative patterns between mothers and fathers to find what gives this conversation these attributes. To conduct our research as UCLA undergraduate students, we analyzed various media portrayals coming from advertisements, movies, and TV shows. We looked at how often euphemisms and communication aspects occur. In our research, we were able to find distinct patterns in every “talk,” such as low tones/long pauses, similar settings, conversation ending on a ‘high,’ indirectness/vague word choice, awkwardness/shame, and lack of eye contact. By bringing attention to these patterns, we can provide parents with a better understanding of how to communicate sexual health concerns to their children.

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Introduction and Background

“The talk” refers to the first and awkward time when a parent(s) explicitly discusses sex and sexual health with their children, often showing typology themes of awkwardness and seriousness that are attributed to “the talk.” This conversation has an uncomfortable and awkward connotation attached to it, leading us to want to explore the linguistic and communicative patterns that collectively work together to give “the talk” this connotation (Ashcraft, 2017). In our study, we found a difference in the way parents speak to their children about sexual health depending on the child’s gender. This TED talk highlights the importance of having “the talk” to combat the negative association with the subject of sex (Talking dirty: De-stigmatising conversations on sex | Kate Dawson | TEDxGalway). Our target population is various types of media portrayals within the last 20 years of “the talk” between parents and children between the ages of 13-20. Our study attempted to answer the research question of how different communication aspects between mothers and fathers culminate in the shameful nature of “the talk.” We predicted that our research would show different communicative patterns between mothers and fathers (Grossman, 2022). Furthermore, we discovered common communicative patterns in “the talk” between mothers and fathers, such as low tones/long pauses, similar settings, resolution, awkward body language, and indirectness, including vague word choice.

Methods

The methodological design we used to collect data for our research on “the talk” was looking at available digital media examples depicting “the talk” between a parent and their child, specifically scenes from TV shows, YouTube videos, or ads using stereotypical patterns associated with “the talk.” Every member of the group had a similar idea of what to look out for in the data samples: awkwardness, similar settings, conversations about sex specifically and not puberty, long pauses, lack of eye contact, indirectness or vague word choice, and a resolution at the end of the conversation. We collected seven media portrayals from advertisements and scenes from movies and TV shows, to see how often euphemisms and communication aspects occur.

Results and Analysis

From our data results, we discovered that “mothers display similar levels of concern toward sons and daughters” about “the talk,” while fathers exclusively spoke to their sons about the talk (Butler, 2008). These results reflect similar gender stereotypes regarding the mother’s and father’s roles in the household, where the father is the ‘breadwinner,’ and the mother is the ‘homemaker’ (Robles, 2017). Mothers are often expected to take on extra household tasks, including having “the talk,” without any additional credit. Contrastingly, fathers simply have to go to work to provide income for the household, receiving praise for being the ‘king of the house.’

Notably, our results should not be taken as true results of an experiment since we did not conduct inferential statistics. In the 7 data samples we coded, the results showed low tones/long pauses, similar settings, conversation ending on a ‘high’, indirectness/vague word choice, awkwardness/shame, and lack of eye contact.

Low tones and long pauses

Low tones and long pauses were specifically prevalent in the mothers giving “the talk,” while fathers were more abrupt and aggressive in their tone of voice. This difference can show the natural softness present in mothers as opposed to fathers generally being more abrasive in their speech (Darling & Hicks, 1982). For example, in the TV show Young Sheldon, the father is giving “the talk” to his son, but his tone of voice suggests his disinterest (Figure 1):

“I’m just gonna grab a beer.”- Dad

“Has he had the talk yet?”- Grandma asked Sheldon’s Father

“Cmon’ Connie”- Dad rolling his eyes at the grandmother

“You’re probably not going to [have sex]”- Dad to his son Sheldon

In Young Sheldon, the father is seen completely brushing off the conversation and discouraging his son from having “the talk.” In contrast, what we found in the mothers in our data sample; for example, in Big Mouth, frequently talk in a low tone to support their daughter, who claimed to have had a bad sex experience and no longer wants to have sex. The mothers in our data were much more willing to have “the talk,” using softer tones to suggest supportiveness and understanding of the uncomfortable conversation.

Figure 1- Young Sheldon getting “the talk” from his father: His father does not have a low tone here.

Settings

There were also similar settings in all the data samples; nearly every scene was on a bed or couch, with the parent and child sitting on opposite ends. The lighting in our data was mostly dim, probably to depict a sense of uncomfortableness for the subjects in the data. The settings were consistent between mothers and fathers when having “the talk” with their children. For example, in Sex Education, Otis is having “the talk” with his mother in their living room on the couch (Figure 2):

“Do you want to talk about it?- Mom

*Otis in silence*

“I want you to know you can talk to me about anything. This is a safe place”- Mom

“This is not a safe place mom, you need to stop analyzing everything I do”- Otis as he storms out of the room

The mother was supportive in this conversation, while Otis was wildly uncomfortable. Part of this could be from the setting of the room, which was dimly lit, and because they are sitting on the couch trying to keep a distance between themselves. If the lighting is dim, the person is likely to feel uncomfortable (Michigan State University, 2018).

Figure 2- Sex Education characters having “the talk” on a couch: Otis and his mother are seen awkwardly sitting on the couch, and the room has dim lighting.

Ending on a ‘high’

In our data samples, “the talk” always ended on a ‘high’; there was always a resolution by the end. For example, in the Amazon ad (Figure 3) we sampled, the conversation between the mother and her daughter went like:

“I’m glad we had this talk”- Mom

“Me too”- Daughter

While the conversation is happening, the parents and the child are uncomfortable. However, by the end of “the talk,” there is some sort of resolution to end the conversation and address that the conversation was necessary.

Figure 3- Mother and Daughter in the Amazon Ad getting “the talk”: The mother and daughter are about to hug in this image after “the talk”, showing resolution.

Indirectness and Vague Word Choice

There was also indirectness and vague word choice in all of our data samples. Patterns associated with indirectness included avoiding the word “sex” explicitly and the general topic of sex in the conversation. For example, in our Bridgerton sample, Lady Bridgerton ends the conversation when her daughter asks about sex. (Figure 4):

 “How does a lady come to be with child?” – Eloise to her Mother

“What Eloise?”- Mother

“I thought a lady had to be married.”- Eloise

“Eloise that is more than enough!”- Mother

*Eloise’s brothers enter the conversation*

“Don’t look at me”- Brothers

“I do hope the two of you [the brothers] are not encouraging improper topics of   conversation”- Mother to Brothers sitting with Eloise

“Not at all Mother”- Brothers

In this conversation analysis the mother shuts down the conversation by avoiding using the word “sex,” and by deeming the conversation in general as ‘unladylike.’ Eloise did not even know what ‘sex’ was, as she thought it was a product of marriage.

Figure 4: Bridgerton Mother and Daughter having “the talk”: When approached with a question related to sex, Lady Bridgerton abruptly shuts down the conversation in efforts to avoid the topic.

Awkwardness and Shame

Awkwardness and shame are heavily associated with “the talk” from our gatherings. We found that themes of awkwardness and shame are present in all seven data samples. One example is from That 70’s Show, where we see the father on numerous occasions responding in an abrupt tone to demonstrate his strict attitude against sex to his son (Figure 5):

“Let’s talk about birth control” – Kitty Forman to her son

“Birth control? Don’t do it. That’s your birth control” – Red Forman responding to Kitty Forman to his son

“Did you know Lori is flunking out of college?” – Eric Forman asking both parents

“Don’t change the subject. You got strange thought in your little head mister and that Don is a nice girl” – Red Forman told his son in response

“Red, you’re giving him the wrong idea about sex. It’s not dirty-” – Kitty Forman in response to Red

“But it’s not clean either” – Red Forman’s response

The father was frequently stern in his approach to clearly show his son that sex is a ‘dirty’ activity he should not partake in. When it came to his son, he was quick to highlight all the reasons he should not do it because it’s shameful. The father inflicts shame on his son for even mentioning sex, while the mother tries to alleviate that shame by deeming “sex” as “not dirty.” Both parents should make their children feel comfortable and build up their self-esteem with “the talk” to normalize it (Keeton, 2019).

Figure 5- That 70s Show: In this scene, Red Forman engages in the conversation, attaching a shameful connotation to sex, while Lori expresses support and speaks more relaxed.

Eye Contact

Lastly, we noticed a lack of eye contact during “the talk” until the resolution occurred at the end. Lack of eye contact may be associated with the awkwardness of “the talk,” where neither the parent nor child wants to be there having the conversation. Avoiding eye contact can be a way that humans try to avoid the conversation as a whole (Parvez, 2023). This can be seen in our data sample from Friday Night Lights, where the mother is having “the talk” with her daughter. (Figure 6):

“What about Birth control?”- Mother

“Mom, I don’t want to talk about it.”- Daughter

“That’s the conversation.”- Mother

“Yes, we’re using birth control”- Daughter

In the beginning parts of the conversation, the daughter visibly looks uncomfortable. Not only does her body posture suggest it, but also the lack of eye contact while talking about contraceptive use. This suggests that the mother and daughter are uncomfortable with this topic (Mullis, 2020). While the conversation is obviously awkward between the mother and daughter, the mother still has a low tone of voice while trying to be supportive of the daughter’s decision to start having sex.

Figure 6- Friday Night Lights Mother and Daughter having “the talk”: They are avoiding eye contact while talking about safe sex.

Based on our 7 data samples and the above-mentioned communicative patterns relevant to “the talk” when analyzing the data, we see the gendered differences between mothers and fathers during “the talk.” Figure 8 provides a bar chart depicting how often each communicative pattern in “the talk” that we mention appears with each parent.

Discussion and Conclusions

Having identified the communicative patterns culminating in the uncomfortable nature of this conversation, parents can approach this situation differently in efforts to create a more welcoming and comfortable environment for them and their child. The samples show common themes within “the talk” in regard to communicative patterns between mothers and fathers. While our data samples supported our predictions, it is important to note that we did not conduct a true experiment or present inferential statistics. Any quotes we used to back up our results are only with the assumption that if we properly conducted an experiment, our results would be generalized to the public, however, we cannot because these are not true scientific results.

A parent’s word choice and level of directness regarding sexual health have the potential to impact their body confidence and safety (Ashcraft, 2017). The data collected shows that by changing or eliminating said behaviors, like maintaining eye contact and avoiding long pauses, parents can work towards fostering a welcoming environment when having this conversation with their children. In our attempt to examine the ways the media portrays “the talk,” we wanted to see how mothers and fathers approach the conversation, and whether it differs when talking to their sons or daughters. While “the talk” is naturally uncomfortable, it is inevitable, so children can have an honest education on sex. Hence, the importance of demonstrating the ways different approaches may foster either a successful or unsuccessful educational experience between a parent and child. By considering the various familial dynamics during “the talk” that could create an awkward and uncomfortable atmosphere, we may emphasize effective tools to help improve the overall outcome of the conversation and strengthen family communication.

Figure 7- Chart showing the difference in the mother and father’s communicative patterns  (0= it did not appear with that parent in the sample
1= barely present in the sample
2= moderately present in the sample
3= highly present in the sample)

References

Amazon (2022). “Amazon TV Spot, ‘Savings Talk’.” Amazon. https://www.ispot.tv/ad/bvmb/amazon-savings-talk

Ashcraft, Amie M, and Pamela J Murray. “Talking to Parents About Adolescent Sexuality.” Pediatric clinics of North America vol. 64,2 (2017): 305-320. doi:10.1016/j.pcl.2016.11.002

Butler, R., and Shalit-Naggar, R., (2008). “Gender and Patterns of Concerned Responsiveness in Representations of the Mother-Daughter and Mother-Son Relationship.” JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27563524, pp. 836-851.

Darling, C. A., & Hicks, M. W. (1982). Parental influence on adolescent sexuality: Implications for parents as educators. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 11(3), 231–245. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf01537469

Grossman, J. M., Richer, A. M., Hernandez, B. F., & Markham, C. M. (2022). Moving from Needs Assessment to Intervention: Fathers’ Perspectives on Their Needs and Support for Talk with Teens about Sex. International journal of environmental research and public health, 19(6), 3315. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19063315

Herron, K. (2019). Sex Education. Eleven Company, Retrieved from Season 1 Episode 1 on Netflix.

Keeton, G. (2019). Home – focus on the family. The Talk. Retrieved February 16, 2023, from https://www.focusonthefamily.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/The-Talk.pdf

Michigan State University. (2018). Does dim light make us dumber?. ScienceDaily. Retrieved March 22, 2023 from www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2018/02/180205134251.htm

Mullis, M. D., Kastrinos, A., Wollney, E., Taylor, G., & Bylund, C. L. (2020). International barriers to parent-child communication about sexual and reproductive health topics: a qualitative systematic review. Sex Education, 21(4), 387–403. https://doi.org/10.1080/14681811.2020.1807316

Parvez, H. (2023). Avoiding Eye Contact in Body Language (10 Reasons). Psych Mechanics. https://www.psychmechanics.com/avoiding-eye-contact/

Robles, J., and Kurylo, A. (2017). “Let’s Have the Men Clean up’: Interpersonally Communicated Stereotypes as a Resource for Resisting Gender-Role Prescribed Activities.” JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26378342, pp. 673-693.

YouTube. (2021, November 5). Big mouth: The sex talk. YouTube. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Es2DyU755GQ

YouTube. (2020, December 28). Bridgerton – how does a lady come to be with a child. YouTube. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vQyrXWOEzjw

YouTube. (2020, June 19). Georgie getting the talk #youngsheldon. YouTube. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UoBbDkBiep0

YouTube. (2012, December 17). Red Forman and kitty about sex. YouTube. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9DumgFFVPQs

YouTube. (2022, May 2). Tami and Julie have the sex talk | friday night lights. YouTube. Retrieved March 23, 2023, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cFtexFWJ0HQ

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Body Language and Technology: AI Expressing Human Emotional Body Language

Kissan Desai, Elizabeth Reza, Aaron Zarrabi

Within today’s society artificial intelligence has reached levels that were once deemed unimaginable, from simple computer programming to being able to perform tasks such as mimicking human emotional body language. However, the question at hand around artificial intelligence is: to what extent can artificial intelligence “accurately” express human EBL? We answered this question through our own research on UCLA undergraduate juniors and seniors. We first asked participants to fill out a survey to gather their demographic information, followed by a zoom interview for the experimental portion. Each participant was displayed with twelve images (6 AI and 6 humans) depicting EBL. Through our examinations, we discovered that AI does have the ability to accurately mimic specific human bodily emotions; however, humans are better able to identify emotions when expressed by other humans rather than by AI. We discovered that when it came to ethnicity, culture, and gender, participants had split opinions on its effect on their overall responses, as only some believed it played a role in their ability to correctly identify the EBL of humans and AI. Our research can help technology continue to evolve, possibly to a point where society can no longer distinguish the differences between AI and humans.

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Figure 1: The Dangers of Misinterpreting Body Language! (A scene in which nonverbal communication is completely misinterpreted, showing the consequences of the inability to understand.)

Introduction and Background

In order to communicate with others, humans utilize modes of both verbal and nonverbal communication. One mode of nonverbal communication is the use of emotional body language (EBL). In our research, we defined EBL as physical behaviors, mannerisms, and facial expressions–whether purposeful or subconscious–that are perceived and treated as meaningful gestures relaying emotional significance to the onlooker (de Gelder, 2006). The progressive development of artificial intelligence allows AI to mimic human behaviors (Embgen et al., 2012), as well as assess human individuals’ communication, including EBL, as seen in use of AI in job interviews (Nordmark, 2020). These combined factors lead us to question, to what extent can current AI “accurately” express human EBL?

Our target population for this research was college students, as they may potentially work alongside AI in their future workplaces. Our sample population was made up of UCLA juniors and seniors. The “accuracy” of AI’s EBL was based on the ability of our participants to identify AI expressing the emotions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise, as compared to their ability to identify the same EBL expressed by humans. Through our research, we aimed to answer the question: To what extent can university students understand the emotions expressed by artificial intelligence through its utilization of EBL to communicate nonverbally?

We hypothesized that our participants would be able to identify AI EBL, though not as well as they would be able to identify human EBL. An additional caveat to our hypothesis was our belief that differences in EBL interpretations between our participants would be due to cultural differences harbored by our participants, as that would be a main difference between them, given they would all be around the same age range and go to the same school.

Through our project, we aimed to analyze the differences in individuals’ interpretation of human and AI EBL to hopefully make correlations between how different groups interpret certain gestures, or if there is some universal EBL. To expand upon that, we were curious if AI would be able to capture EBL that is naturally seen in humans (Hertfordshire, 2012). We finally understand the importance of different cultural norms regarding the body and as such, were attentive to this fact when asking others to study EBL, not only viewing the “multimodality in human interactions,” but also understanding the effects different cultures have through the lens of both technology and traditions colliding with one another (Macfayden, 2023).

Methods

Our experiment utilized both qualitative research as well as thematic analysis, as we looked for common themes within human-to-human and human-to-technology interaction. As seen through previous experiments, such as Stephanie Embgen’s (Embgen et al., 2012), we understand that humans do have the capability of identifying emotions through AI EBL. Through our experiment, we surveyed and interviewed 14 UCLA juniors and seniors.

Each participant was asked to fill out a Google form, providing information on their demographic information.

Figure 2: Link to Google Form filled out by participants

https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSf01ZG57zuMVyc99y3Ew1HtaRvEIxOj8lXhSUCt 7u4VdX-xhg/viewform?vc=0&c=0&w=1&flr=0

Figure 3: Participants – Gender and Culture/Ethnicity (Left column contains 7 male participants and their respective ethnic/racial identities. Right column contains 7 female participants and their respective ethnic/racial identities.)

After the survey, we met with our participants via Zoom for an interview. Through the interview, our camera and audio were off while the participants’ were on. This precaution was in order to avoid any possible biases due to participants seeing our own body language or tonal changes in voice. We presented the participants with two sets of six images containing the emotions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise. The images were sorted randomly, alternating between human and AI. The human images were created by us while the AI images were of Kobian, a robot created in the Japanese University of Waseda which is able to display numerous human emotions (Takanishi Laboratory, 2015).

Figure 4: Emotional Sequences (The images on top are of the Kobian robot expressing human emotional body language. On the bottom are humans expressing human emotional body language.)

After each image, our participants would identify the emotion, elaborating on why they chose that emotion, how they would express that emotion themselves, and then were informed which emotion was shown. At the end of the interview, we asked our participants whether they felt there were any discrepancies in their results due to their culture, ethnicity, or gender, something examined in the work of Miramar Damanhouri who asserts that the utilization of body language and other forms of non-verbal communication can lead to misinterpretation as different cultures/ethnicities have different rules and verbal cues (2018).

Figure 5: Link to Examine Interview Powerpoint and Process

https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1ocxmTIu7mlOzKg7Y7jGVJn5i3BOIRVXSQpSu7iSWZ xQ/edit?usp=sharing

Figure 6: Results – Total AI Correct (Black) vs. Total Human Correct (Red) (Each row shows the results for a single participant and the total AI/Human images they identified correctly/incorrectly. At the bottom it’s shown that the cumulative number of correctly identified AI images were 40 for all the participants, while the cumulative number of correctly identified human images was 61 for all the participants.)

Through our results, we noticed which emotions participants had an ease or difficulty identifying. Participants had difficulties identifying the emotional expressions of Happiness (only 4 correct), Fear (only 1 correct), and Anger (only 5 correct) when expressed by AI. On the other hand, 14 participants were able to correctly identify Happiness and 10 were able to correctly identify Surprise when examining AI. When examining human EBL, participants had difficulty identifying surprise (5 correct) and had ease identifying happiness (13 correct), sadness (11 correct), disgust (11 correct), and anger (10 correct). As a whole though, participants took more time to identify AI EBL, even those they got correct, over human EBL, some of which they identified instantly.

Figure 7: Results Per Emotion (red is human; black is AI) (Table containing the results for each participant identifying the EBL displayed by both AI and humans, AI in black and human in red. A “yes” means it was correctly identified, while a “no” means it was not correctly identified.)

We hypothesized that differences in EBL interpretations would be, in part, due to the cultural, ethnic, and gender differences harbored by our participants. When examining our participants, we discovered that many felt that their ethnicity, gender, or culture hadn’t played a part in their responses, with 6 expressing that it had, 2 expressing maybe, and 7 expressing no. For example, one of our participants explained how the individuals within their respective culture don’t show much emotion, they are very straight faced, and this affected their responses.

Overall, our results showed that humans are able to identify human emotions better than AI; however, it’s important to note that within the experiment, humans were able to identify certain AI emotions over their human counterparts, showing that there is at least some level of shared understanding between humans and AI; this is something that society continues to advance in an attempt to mimic human emotions.

Figure 8: Link to Results https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1TuvKT66sn2laSej50YjwplEUTSAX-DYyMMHUxYrV DMA/edit?usp=sharing

Discussion and Conclusions

In conversations with our participants, we found there were certain human tendencies in EBL that our participants found lacking in the AI representations, such as the lack of smile lines around eyes or flushed cheeks, both of which participants found to be an integral part of EBL that they use to identify certain emotions. These characteristics were ones that AI was unable to mimic in the images we used. We also found discrepancies in how our participants viewed EBL based on how they personally expressed the emotion. These included difficulty identifying the human “surprise” example and difficulty identifying the AI “fear” example. A question we would ask the participants is if they felt that they display the emotion in the same way as the image, and when shown images that they had difficulty identifying, a majority shared that they did not express the emotion in the same way. A factor that may have contributed to these difficulties is the fact that the human images were made by us, as the researchers, based on our own individual perceptions of the EBL. Not all EBL is universal, and so differences in this vein could have affected those answers. In addition, the split results in regard to how much our participants’ race, ethnicity, and gender affected how accurately they were able to identify the EBL displayed was too close to formally draw any conclusions from, and so our hypothesis that the discrepancies between their responses and the correct answers would be due to these factors cannot at this time be proven or disproven. Further research is needed to analyze that question more thoroughly.

Overall, these findings can help to fine tune AI imitations of body language as AI continues to develop, as it has not quite mastered human EBL yet. Our findings also emphasize the way both differences and uniformity in expressing oneself through body language work to create meaning through gestures that can be understood (or misunderstood) by others that express themselves in similar/different ways.

References

Damanhouri, M. (2018). The advantages and disadvantages of body language in Intercultural communication. Khazar Journal of Humanities And Social Sciences, 21(1), 68–82. https://doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2018.21.1.68

de Gelder, Beatrice. “Towards the Neurobiology of Emotional Body Language.” Nature Reviews Neuroscience, vol. 7, no. 3, Mar. 2006, pp. 242–49. www.nature.com, https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn1872.

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Job Settings and Body Language

Ashley Aghavian, Polina Yasmeh, Raquel Barrera, Orit Monesa

Have you ever considered how much your body language impacts how other individuals perceive you in the workplace? Are you mindful that nonverbal cues can make or break your chances of career success? This research proposal aims to explore how nonverbal cues, particularly body language, hand gestures, eye contact, and posture, affect the way an individual is viewed at work. Through the application of both qualitative and quantitative data gathering and analysis, the study will be carried out using a mixed-methods approach. The movie “The Devil Wears Prada” will be utilized as a case study for the research, with an analysis of the character’s body language and nonverbal communication. This investigation will shed light on how nonverbal cues can influence interpersonal relationships at work and how they can either have a favorable or negative effect on perception and job performance. The study will involve distributing a questionnaire to a wide range of professionals from various industries to gauge how they view nonverbal communication in the workplace. The results of this study will advance our knowledge of nonverbal communication’s function in the workplace and how it can affect relationships, job success, and interpersonal interactions. The study’s findings will ultimately help workplace communication training and treatments to boost interpersonal communication and job satisfaction.

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Introduction and Background

According to Tiedens and Fragale (2003), nonverbal conduct, particularly body language, has a significant impact on how people perceive others at work. Negative body language, such as slouching, avoiding eye contact, and fidgeting, can result in feelings of doubt, unease, and lack of confidence. On the other hand, positive nonverbal conduct, such as standing straight, making eye contact, and using expansive movements, have been associated with views of competence, trustworthiness, and success. Recent studies have demonstrated that body language also affects how well individuals accomplish their jobs, assisting them in recognizing truth from deception, projecting a more distinct and authoritative presence, and building trust (Carney, Cuddy, & Yap, 2010). This study aims to analyze the effects of hand gestures, eye contact, and posture on how an individual is regarded at work in order to understand the connection between body language and workplace perception. According to research, those with authoritative and persuasive body language are perceived as more competent and successful in negotiations, sales, and leadership roles (Reiman, 2007). As a result, the following is the research question for this proposal: How do body language, hand gestures, eye contact, and posture affect how an individual is perceived in the workplace? At Harvard University, Cuddy and her colleagues discovered that assuming a confident stance can increase success rates in stressful situations like job interviews (Capps, et al., 2012). The value of confidence in the workplace is effectively demonstrated by the movie “The Devil Wears Prada.” Andrea Sachs, played by Anne Hathaway, transforms from a timid and hesitant assistant to a forceful and confident professional by using confident body language, such as good posture, direct eye contact, and assertive hand gestures. Even so, it is important to consider how the study’s use of video excerpts from a fictional film as its stimuli presents potential flaws. Although The Devil Wears Prada is a well-known movie that depicts a workplace, it might not be an accurate representation of all workplaces. As a result, not all work environments or people may be affected by the study’s conclusions. At the end of the day, body language is a strong instrument that can significantly affect job performance. People can build relationships with people and accomplish their professional goals by displaying expertise and confidence through their body language. By examining Anne Hathaway’s character in “The Devil Wears Prada” and conducting a questionnaire, this study tries to understand the relationship between body language and professional achievement.

Methods

The study used a video-based approach to examine the effect of confident versus unconfident body language on the perception of professional competence. Two brief video clips from The Devil Wears Prada were used in the study, depicting Anne Hathaway’s character in distinct contexts, one with confident body language and the other with unconfident body language.

Video Clip 1

Figure 1: Anne Hathaway’s character here is shown to be nervous and avoiding eye contact with her boss.

Video: THE DEVIL WEARS PRADA Clip – “Personal Assistant” (2006)

Video Clip 2

Figure 2: The character finds her confidence when she changes her style and is able to answer calls with confidence and communicate with the clients well.

Video:  THE DEVIL WEARS PRADA Clip – “Andy Gets A Makeover” (2006)

Upon seeing both videos, participants were asked to answer a set of questions about the character’s conduct and body language. The study’s goal was to discover trends and themes related to workplace confidence, competence, and success. There was no need for participants to be from a certain profession or sector. They should, however, have prior employment experience or exposure to a professional work situation. The people examined ranged in age from 18 to 30 years old. A questionnaire was utilized to collect data from participants in the research. The questionnaire’s questions were designed to elicit specific information, such as differences in the character’s behavior and body language between the two clips, the character’s perceived competence, and the specific activities or body language cues that contributed to the character’s confidence or competent appearance. We recruited individuals for this study who routinely attend a med-spa, are between the ages of 18 and 30, and are currently employed. This age group was chosen because it represents working persons who were picked to guarantee they had some professional experience and have been exposed to office situations. We intended to collect data that is typical of a certain group and draw more focused insights about their experiences and views about the med-spa sector by choosing participants with specified features. Our hypothesis of the outcome of the data we will collect is that the majority of the participants will side with the video of Anne having confident body language as opposed to the other video where she is not. As more people would rather have a confident coworker or friend who is organized, not someone who is unkempt and not put together. Overall, the video-based method enabled the researchers to get insight into the impact of confident vs. unconfident body language on professional competence perceptions, as well as identify particular acts and signals that contribute to these impressions.

Results and Analysis

The study’s findings demonstrated that confident body language had a substantial influence on professional competence perceptions. In a job environment, all 25 participants between the ages of 18 and 30, who had prior job experience or exposure to a professional work setting, voted in favor of the confident Anne Hathaway over the unconfident Anne Hathaway. Participants assessed that confident Anne seemed more engaged, attentive, and aggressive, whereas unconfident Anne appeared hesitant, indecisive, and uncertain in answer to the question, “What differences in the character’s behavior did you perceive between the two clips?” Participants also stated that confident Anne looked to be more organized, well-prepared, and competent than unconfident Anne, who appeared unprepared and unorganized. In answer to the question, “What variations in the character’s body language did you detect between the two clips?” Participants noted significant distinctions between the two clips. Confident Anne, for example, was described as standing tall, keeping eye contact, and speaking clearly and steadily. Unconfident Anne, on the other hand, was described as slouching, avoiding eye contact, and speaking softly and cautiously. Confident Anne had more expansive motions and facial expressions that indicated power and assertiveness, whereas unconfident Anne displayed more withdrawn and tense body language that conveyed fear and uncertainty. In response to the question, “In your opinion, which clip presents the character as more capable, and why?” Participants generally preferred the footage of confident Anne as depicting her as more capable. They stated that confident Anne looked to be more informed, organized, and prepared, whereas unconfident Anne appeared to be unprepared and indecisive. Participants indicated various activities and body language cues that contribute to a more confident and competent look in answer to the question, “What particular activities or body language hints do you feel give the character a more confident or competent appearance?” They included keeping eye contact, maintaining an erect stance, speaking clearly and steadily, employing expansive gestures, and exhibiting assertiveness. In response to the question, “What advice would you provide to the character to help her thrive in the workplace?” participants suggested that the character concentrate on strengthening her confidence, expressing herself more, and keeping excellent eye contact with others.

According to the findings of this study, confident body language is a crucial element in the perception of professional competence. When compared to the unconfident Anne Hathaway, all 25 participants who had prior job experience or exposure to a professional work setting voted in favor of the confident Anne Hathaway as someone they would trust and employ more in a workplace context. There were many variations in behavior and body language between the two videos, with confident Anne seeming more involved, attentive, and forceful than unconfident Anne. Participants also recognized various behaviors and body language signals that contribute to a more confident and competent image, such as keeping eye contact, standing tall, speaking clearly and steadily, making expansive gestures, and exhibiting assertiveness. These findings may be valuable for both people attempting to increase their professional competence and companies looking to hire and assess employees based on their levels of confidence and competence.

Figure 3: Participants’ votes between video 1 (unconfident Anne) and video 2 (confident Anne)

The graph above depicts our results from the data we retrieved from the participants who voted for the first video of Anne not presenting confidence and having ideal body language, as opposed to the second video of Anne exhibiting a confident persona and fixing her posture to show she is fit for the job.

Discussion and Conclusion

Our study sought to better understand how perceptions of professional competence are affected by confident versus unconfident body language. According to our findings, people between the ages of 18 and 30 who have had prior work experience or exposure to a professional work environment choose confident body language in a professional situation. In particular, when asked which Anne Hathaway they would choose to work for them, 100% of participants preferred the self-assured Anne Hathaway over the insecure Anne Hathaway. For those wishing to be successful in the workplace, these findings have practical applications. A person’s capacity to connect with others and establish trust, which are crucial elements of professional success, can be improved by displaying confident body language. Furthermore, our findings suggest that professional ability may be judged by one’s body language, which may have an impact on hiring practices. It is significant to mention that there are some restrictions on our study. The fact that we only used two brief video snippets from The Devil Wears Prada may restrict how broadly we generalize our findings. Furthermore, our sample size was modest and might not accurately reflect the general population. Future studies could overcome these drawbacks by examining the effects of confident body language in various industries and work roles, as well as by using a larger and more diverse sample. Future studies can also look into the mechanisms that underlie how perceptions of professional competence are influenced by confident body language. Our study concludes by highlighting the significance of confident body language in the workplace and by suggesting that people with confident body language may be perceived as more capable and reliable. These findings have practical ramifications for people trying to succeed in the workplace as well as for companies trying to make educated hiring choices and give a glance at what personal changes can be implemented.

References

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Capps, Rob. “First Impressions: The Science of Meeting People.” Wired, Conde Nast, 20 Nov.                2012, www.wired.com/2012/11/amy-cuddy-first-impressions/.

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Reiman, T. (2007). The power of body language: How to succeed in every business and Social Encounter. Recorded Books.

Tiedens, L. Z., & Fragale, A. R. (2003). Power moves: Complementarity in dominant and submissive nonverbal behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(3), 558–568. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.84.3.558

​​Van Swol, L.M., Braun, M.T. Communicating Deception: Differences in Language Use, Justifications, and Questions for Lies, Omissions, and Truths. Group Decis Negot 23, 1343–1367 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10726-013-9373-3

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Appendix

Ted Talk: Amy Cuddy: Your body language may shape who you are | TED Talk

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